We Shall Overcome
文章來源: 文章作者: 發布時間:2006-11-24 05:53 字體: [ ]  進入論壇
(單詞翻譯:雙擊或拖選)

In this very eloquent1 speech to the full Congress, President Lyndon B. Johnson used the phrase "we shall overcome," borrowed from African-American leaders struggling for equal rights.

The speech was made on March 15, 1965, a week after deadly racial violence erupted in Selma, Alabama, as African-Americans were attacked by police while preparing to march to Montgomery to protest voting rights discrimination.

Discrimination took the form of literacy, knowledge or character tests administered solely2 to African-Americans to keep them from registering to vote.

Civil rights leader Rev3. Martin Luther King and over 500 supporters planned to march from Selma to Montgomery to register African-Americans to vote. The police violence that erupted resulted in the death of a King supporter, a white Unitarian Minister from Boston named James J. Reeb.

A second attempt to march to Montgomery was also blocked by police. It took Federal intervention4 with the 'federalizing' of the Alabama national guard and the addition of over 2000 other guards to ensure protection and allow the march to begin.

On March 21, 1965 the march to Montgomery finally began with over 3000 participants, under the glare of worldwide news publicity5.

I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of Democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.

At times, history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord6. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There, long suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many of them were brutally8 assaulted. One good man--a man of God--was killed.

There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our Democracy in what is happening here tonight. For the cries of pain and the hymns9 and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty10 of this great government--the government of the greatest nation on earth. Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country--to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man. In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crises. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues, issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression.

But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values and the purposes and the meaning of our beloved nation. The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue. And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For, with a country as with a person, "what is a man profited if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem.

And we are met here tonight as Americans--not as Democrats11 or Republicans; we're met here as Americans to solve that problem. This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose.

The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: "All men are created equal." "Government by consent of the governed." "Give me liberty or give me death." And those are not just clever words, and those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians12 of our liberty risking their lives. Those words are promised to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions. It cannot be found in his power or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom. He shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being.

To apply any other test, to deny a man his hopes because of his color or race or his religion or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice14, it is to deny Americans and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom. Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish it must be rooted in democracy. This most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country in large measure is the history of expansion of the right to all of our people.

Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument: every American citizen must have an equal right to vote. There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to insure that right. Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes.

Every device of which human ingenuity15 is capable, has been used to deny this right. The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists and, if he manages to present himself to the registrar16, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name, or because he abbreviated17 a word on the application. And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of state law.

And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write. For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin. Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic18 and ingenious discrimination. No law that we now have on the books, and I have helped to put three of them there, can insure the right to vote when local officials are determined19 to deny it. In such a case, our duty must be clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his color.

We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution. We must now act in obedience20 to that oath. Wednesday, I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote. The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they have reviewed it, it will come here formally as a bill. I am grateful for this opportunity to come here tonight at the invitation of the leadership to reason with my friends, to give them my views and to visit with my former colleagues.

I have had prepared a more comprehensive analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow, but which I will submit to the clerks tonight. But I want to really discuss the main proposals of this legislation. This bill will strike down restrictions21 to voting in all elections, federal, state and local, which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote.

This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to flout22 our Constitution. It will provide for citizens to be registered by officials of the United States Government, if the state officials refuse to register them. It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits23 which delay the right to vote. Finally, this legislation will insure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting. I will welcome the suggestions from all the members of Congress--I have no doubt that I will get some--on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective.

But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the Constitution. To those who seek to avoid action by their national government in their home communities, who want to and who seek to maintain purely24 local control over elections, the answer is simple: open your polling places to all your people. Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin. Extend the rights of citizenship25 to every citizen of this land. There is no Constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral issue. It is wrong--deadly wrong--to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country.

There is no issue of state's rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer. But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was passed after eight long months of debate. And when that bill came to my desk from the Congress for signature, the heart of the voting provision had been eliminated.

This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation26, or no compromise with our purpose. We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in.

And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited 100 years and more and the time for waiting is gone. So I ask you to join me in working long hours and nights and weekends, if necessary, to pass this bill. And I don't make that request lightly, for, from the window where I sit, with the problems of our country, I recognize that from outside this chamber27 is the outraged28 conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations and the harsh judgment29 of history on our acts.

But even if we pass this bill the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and state of America. It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings30 of American life. Their cause must be our cause too. Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy31 of bigotry32 and injustice.

And we shall overcome.

As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, I know how agonizing33 racial feelings are. I know how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society. But a century has passed--more than 100 years--since the Negro was freed. And he is not fully7 free tonight. It was more than 100 years ago that Abraham Lincoln--a great President of another party--signed the Emancipation34 Proclamation. But emancipation is a proclamation and not a fact.

A century has passed--more than 100 years--since equality was promised, and yet the Negro is not equal. A century has passed since the day of promise, and the promise is unkept. The time of justice has now come, and I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come, and when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American. For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark35 poverty? How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we wasted energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred36 and terror?

And so I say to all of you here and to all in the nation tonight that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future. This great rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all--all, black and white, North and South, sharecropper and city dweller37. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They are our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor.

And these enemies too--poverty, disease and ignorance--we shall overcome.

Now let none of us in any section look with prideful righteousness on the troubles in another section or the problems of our neighbors. There is really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept. In Buffalo38 as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom.

This is one nation. What happens in Selma and Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate39 concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists. As we meet here in this peaceful historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to the far corners of the world and who brought it back without a stain on it, men from the east and from the west are all fighting together without regard to religion or color or region in Vietnam.

Men from every region fought for us across the world 20 years ago. And now in these common dangers, in these common sacrifices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less than any other region in the great republic.

And in some instances, a great many of them, more. And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf40 of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate41 the freedom of all Americans. For all of us owe this duty and I believe that all of us will respond to it.

Your president makes that request of every American.

The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. His actions and protests, his courage to risk safety, and even to risk his life, have awakened42 the conscience of this nation. His demonstrations43 have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change; designed to stir reform. He has been called upon to make good the promise of America.

And who among us can say that we would have made the same progress were it not for his persistent44 bravery and his faith in American democracy? For at the real heart of the battle for equality is a deep-seated belief in the democratic process. Equality depends, not on the force of arms or tear gas, but depends upon the force of moral right--not on recourse to violence, but on respect for law and order.

There have been many pressures upon your President and there will be others as the days come and go. But I pledge to you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought--in the courts, and in the Congress, and the hearts of men. We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free assembly. But the right of free speech does not carry with it--as has been said--the right to holler fire in a crowded theatre.

We must preserve the right to free assembly. But free assembly does not carry with it the right to block public thoroughfares to traffic. We do have a right to protest. And a right to march under conditions that do not infringe45 the Constitutional rights of our neighbors. And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am permitted to serve in this office.

We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek--progress, obedience to law, and belief in American values. In Selma, as elsewhere, we seek and pray for peace. We seek order, we seek unity13, but we will not accept the peace of stifled46 rights or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles47 protest--for peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.

In Selma tonight--and we had a good day there--as in every city we are working for a just and peaceful settlement. We must all remember after this speech I'm making tonight, after the police and the F.B.I. and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly48 passed this bill, the people of Selma and the other cities of the nation must still live and work together.

And when the attention of the nation has gone elsewhere they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new community. This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence as the history of the South itself shows. It is in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impressive responsibility in recent days--last Tuesday and again today.

The bill I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill. But in a larger sense, most of the program I am recommending is a civil rights program. Its object is to open the city of hope to all people of all races, because all Americans just must have the right to vote, and we are going to give them that right.

All Americans must have the privileges of citizenship, regardless of race, and they are going to have those privileges of citizenship regardless of race.

But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more than just legal rights. It requires a trained mind and a healthy body. It requires a decent home and the chance to find a job and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.

Of course people cannot contribute to the nation if they are never taught to read or write; if their bodies are stunted50 from hunger; if their sickness goes untended; if their life is spent in hopeless poverty, just drawing a welfare check.

So we want to open the gates to opportunity. But we're also going to give all our people, black and white, the help that they need to walk through those gates. My first job after college was as a teacher in Cotulla, Texas, in a small Mexican-American school. Few of them could speak English and I couldn't speak much Spanish. My students were poor and they often came to class without breakfast and hungry. And they knew even in their youth the pain of prejudice. They never seemed to know why people disliked them, but they knew it was so because I saw it in their eyes.

I often walked home late in the afternoon after the classes were finished wishing there was more that I could do. But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that I might help them against the hardships that lay ahead. And somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful face of a young child.

I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing49 here in 1965. It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students, and to help people like them all over this country. But now I do have that chance.

And I'll let you in on a secret--I mean to use it. And I hope that you will use it with me.

This is the richest, most powerful country which ever occupied this globe. The might of past empires is little compared to ours. But I do not want to be the president who built empires, or sought grandeur51, or extended dominion52.

I want to be the president who educated young children to the wonders of their world. I want to be the President who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be taxpayers53 instead of tax eaters. I want to be the President who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in every election. I want to be the President who helped to end hatred among his fellow men and who promoted love among the people of all races, all regions and all parties. I want to be the President who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.

And so, at the request of your beloved Speaker and the Senator from Montana, the Majority Leader, the Senator from Illinois, the Minority Leader, Mr. McCullock and other members of both parties, I came here tonight, not as President Roosevelt came down one time in person to veto a bonus bill; not as President Truman came down one time to urge passage of a railroad bill, but I came down here to ask you to share this task with me. And to share it with the people that we both work for.

I want this to be the Congress--Republicans and Democrats alike--which did all these things for all these people. Beyond this great chamber--out yonder--in fifty states are the people that we serve. Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes are in their hearts tonight as they sit there and listen? We all can guess, from our own lives, how difficult they often find their own pursuit of happiness, how many problems each little family has. They look most of all to themselves for their future, but I think that they also look to each of us.

Above the pyramid on the Great Seal of the United States it says in latin, "God has favored our undertaking54." God will not favor everything that we do. It is rather our duty to divine His will. But I cannot help but believe that He truly understands and that He really favors the undertaking that we begin here tonight.

President Lyndon B. Johnson - March 15, 1965



點擊收聽單詞發音收聽單詞發音  

1 eloquent ymLyN     
adj.雄辯的,口才流利的;明白顯示出的
參考例句:
  • He was so eloquent that he cut down the finest orator.他能言善辯,勝過最好的演說家。
  • These ruins are an eloquent reminder of the horrors of war.這些廢墟形象地提醒人們不要忘記戰爭的恐怖。
2 solely FwGwe     
adv.僅僅,唯一地
參考例句:
  • Success should not be measured solely by educational achievement.成功與否不應只用學業成績來衡量。
  • The town depends almost solely on the tourist trade.這座城市幾乎完全靠旅游業維持。
3 rev njvzwS     
v.發動機旋轉,加快速度
參考例句:
  • It's his job to rev up the audience before the show starts.他要負責在表演開始前鼓動觀眾的熱情。
  • Don't rev the engine so hard.別讓發動機轉得太快。
4 intervention e5sxZ     
n.介入,干涉,干預
參考例句:
  • The government's intervention in this dispute will not help.政府對這場爭論的干預不會起作用。
  • Many people felt he would be hostile to the idea of foreign intervention.許多人覺得他會反對外來干預。
5 publicity ASmxx     
n.眾所周知,聞名;宣傳,廣告
參考例句:
  • The singer star's marriage got a lot of publicity.這位歌星的婚事引起了公眾的關注。
  • He dismissed the event as just a publicity gimmick.他不理會這件事,只當它是一種宣傳手法。
6 concord 9YDzx     
n.和諧;協調
參考例句:
  • These states had lived in concord for centuries.這些國家幾個世紀以來一直和睦相處。
  • His speech did nothing for racial concord.他的講話對種族和諧沒有作用。
7 fully Gfuzd     
adv.完全地,全部地,徹底地;充分地
參考例句:
  • The doctor asked me to breathe in,then to breathe out fully.醫生讓我先吸氣,然后全部呼出。
  • They soon became fully integrated into the local community.他們很快就完全融入了當地人的圈子。
8 brutally jSRya     
adv.殘忍地,野蠻地,冷酷無情地
參考例句:
  • The uprising was brutally put down.起義被殘酷地鎮壓下去了。
  • A pro-democracy uprising was brutally suppressed.一場爭取民主的起義被殘酷鎮壓了。
9 hymns b7dc017139f285ccbcf6a69b748a6f93     
n.贊美詩,圣歌,頌歌( hymn的名詞復數 )
參考例句:
  • At first, they played the hymns and marches familiar to them. 起初他們只吹奏自己熟悉的贊美詩和進行曲。 來自英漢非文學 - 百科語料821
  • I like singing hymns. 我喜歡唱圣歌。 來自辭典例句
10 majesty MAExL     
n.雄偉,壯麗,莊嚴,威嚴;最高權威,王權
參考例句:
  • The king had unspeakable majesty.國王有無法形容的威嚴。
  • Your Majesty must make up your mind quickly!尊貴的陛下,您必須趕快做出決定!
11 democrats 655beefefdcaf76097d489a3ff245f76     
n.民主主義者,民主人士( democrat的名詞復數 )
參考例句:
  • The Democrats held a pep rally on Capitol Hill yesterday. 民主黨昨天在國會山召開了競選誓師大會。
  • The democrats organize a filibuster in the senate. 民主黨黨員組織了阻撓議事。 來自《簡明英漢詞典》
12 guardians 648b3519bd4469e1a48dff4dc4827315     
監護人( guardian的名詞復數 ); 保護者,維護者
參考例句:
  • Farmers should be guardians of the countryside. 農民應是鄉村的保衛者。
  • The police are guardians of law and order. 警察是法律和秩序的護衛者。
13 unity 4kQwT     
n.團結,聯合,統一;和睦,協調
參考例句:
  • When we speak of unity,we do not mean unprincipled peace.所謂團結,并非一團和氣。
  • We must strengthen our unity in the face of powerful enemies.大敵當前,我們必須加強團結。
14 injustice O45yL     
n.非正義,不公正,不公平,侵犯(別人的)權利
參考例句:
  • They complained of injustice in the way they had been treated.他們抱怨受到不公平的對待。
  • All his life he has been struggling against injustice.他一生都在與不公正現象作斗爭。
15 ingenuity 77TxM     
n.別出心裁;善于發明創造
參考例句:
  • The boy showed ingenuity in making toys.那個小男孩做玩具很有創造力。
  • I admire your ingenuity and perseverance.我欽佩你的別出心裁和毅力。
16 registrar xSUzO     
n.記錄員,登記員;(大學的)注冊主任
參考例句:
  • You can obtain the application from the registrar.你可以向注冊人員索取申請書。
  • The manager fired a young registrar.經理昨天解雇了一名年輕的記錄員。
17 abbreviated 32a218f05db198fc10c9206836aaa17a     
adj. 簡短的,省略的 動詞abbreviate的過去式和過去分詞
參考例句:
  • He abbreviated so much that it was hard to understand his article. 他的文章縮寫詞使用太多,令人費解。
  • The United States of America is commonly abbreviated to U.S.A.. 美利堅合眾國常被縮略為U.S.A.。
18 systematic SqMwo     
adj.有系統的,有計劃的,有方法的
參考例句:
  • The way he works isn't very systematic.他的工作不是很有條理。
  • The teacher made a systematic work of teaching.這個教師進行系統的教學工作。
19 determined duszmP     
adj.堅定的;有決心的
參考例句:
  • I have determined on going to Tibet after graduation.我已決定畢業后去西藏。
  • He determined to view the rooms behind the office.他決定查看一下辦公室后面的房間。
20 obedience 8vryb     
n.服從,順從
參考例句:
  • Society has a right to expect obedience of the law.社會有權要求人人遵守法律。
  • Soldiers act in obedience to the orders of their superior officers.士兵們遵照上級軍官的命令行動。
21 restrictions 81e12dac658cfd4c590486dd6f7523cf     
約束( restriction的名詞復數 ); 管制; 制約因素; 帶限制性的條件(或規則)
參考例句:
  • I found the restrictions irksome. 我對那些限制感到很煩。
  • a snaggle of restrictions 雜亂無章的種種限制
22 flout GzIy6     
v./n.嘲弄,愚弄,輕視
參考例句:
  • Parents who flout Family Court orders may be named in the media in Australia.在澳洲父母親若是藐視家庭法庭的裁定可能在媒體上被公布姓名。
  • The foolish boy flouted his mother's advice.這個愚蠢的孩子輕視他母親的勸告。
23 lawsuits 1878e62a5ca1482cc4ae9e93dcf74d69     
n.訴訟( lawsuit的名詞復數 )
參考例句:
  • Lawsuits involving property rights and farming and grazing rights increased markedly. 涉及財產權,耕作與放牧權的訴訟案件顯著地增加。 來自辭典例句
  • I've lost and won more lawsuits than any man in England. 全英國的人算我官司打得最多,贏的也多,輸的也多。 來自辭典例句
24 purely 8Sqxf     
adv.純粹地,完全地
參考例句:
  • I helped him purely and simply out of friendship.我幫他純粹是出于友情。
  • This disproves the theory that children are purely imitative.這證明認為兒童只會單純地模仿的理論是站不住腳的。
25 citizenship AV3yA     
n.市民權,公民權,國民的義務(身份)
參考例句:
  • He was born in Sweden,but he doesn't have Swedish citizenship.他在瑞典出生,但沒有瑞典公民身分。
  • Ten years later,she chose to take Australian citizenship.十年后,她選擇了澳大利亞國籍。
26 hesitation tdsz5     
n.猶豫,躊躇
參考例句:
  • After a long hesitation, he told the truth at last.躊躇了半天,他終于直說了。
  • There was a certain hesitation in her manner.她的態度有些猶豫不決。
27 chamber wnky9     
n.房間,寢室;會議廳;議院;會所
參考例句:
  • For many,the dentist's surgery remains a torture chamber.對許多人來說,牙醫的治療室一直是間受刑室。
  • The chamber was ablaze with light.會議廳里燈火輝煌。
28 outraged VmHz8n     
a.震驚的,義憤填膺的
參考例句:
  • Members of Parliament were outraged by the news of the assassination. 議會議員們被這暗殺的消息激怒了。
  • He was outraged by their behavior. 他們的行為使他感到憤慨。
29 judgment e3xxC     
n.審判;判斷力,識別力,看法,意見
參考例句:
  • The chairman flatters himself on his judgment of people.主席自認為他審視人比別人高明。
  • He's a man of excellent judgment.他眼力過人。
30 blessings 52a399b218b9208cade790a26255db6b     
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名詞復數 );好事;福分;因禍得福
參考例句:
  • Afflictions are sometimes blessings in disguise. 塞翁失馬,焉知非福。 來自《簡明英漢詞典》
  • We don't rely on blessings from Heaven. 我們不靠老天保佑。 來自《現代漢英綜合大詞典》
31 legacy 59YzD     
n.遺產,遺贈;先人(或過去)留下的東西
參考例句:
  • They are the most precious cultural legacy our forefathers left.它們是我們祖先留下來的最寶貴的文化遺產。
  • He thinks the legacy is a gift from the Gods.他認為這筆遺產是天賜之物。
32 bigotry Ethzl     
n.偏見,偏執,持偏見的行為[態度]等
參考例句:
  • She tried to dissociate herself from the bigotry in her past.她力圖使自己擺脫她以前的偏見。
  • At least we can proceed in this matter without bigotry.目前這件事咱們至少可以毫無偏見地進行下去。
33 agonizing PzXzcC     
adj.痛苦難忍的;使人苦惱的v.使極度痛苦;折磨(agonize的ing形式)
參考例句:
  • I spent days agonizing over whether to take the job or not. 我用了好些天苦苦思考是否接受這個工作。
  • his father's agonizing death 他父親極度痛苦的死
34 emancipation Sjlzb     
n.(從束縛、支配下)解放
參考例句:
  • We must arouse them to fight for their own emancipation. 我們必須喚起他們為其自身的解放而斗爭。 來自《簡明英漢詞典》
  • They rejoiced over their own emancipation. 他們為自己的解放感到歡欣鼓舞。 來自《簡明英漢詞典》
35 stark lGszd     
adj.荒涼的;嚴酷的;完全的;adv.完全地
參考例句:
  • The young man is faced with a stark choice.這位年輕人面臨嚴峻的抉擇。
  • He gave a stark denial to the rumor.他對謠言加以完全的否認。
36 hatred T5Gyg     
n.憎惡,憎恨,仇恨
參考例句:
  • He looked at me with hatred in his eyes.他以憎恨的眼光望著我。
  • The old man was seized with burning hatred for the fascists.老人對法西斯主義者充滿了仇恨。
37 dweller cuLzQz     
n.居住者,住客
參考例句:
  • Both city and town dweller should pay tax.城鎮居民都需要納稅。
  • The city dweller never experiences anxieties of this sort.城市居民從未經歷過這種擔憂。
38 buffalo 1Sby4     
n.(北美)野牛;(亞洲)水牛
參考例句:
  • Asian buffalo isn't as wild as that of America's. 亞洲水牛比美洲水牛溫順些。
  • The boots are made of buffalo hide. 這雙靴子是由水牛皮制成的。
39 legitimate L9ZzJ     
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎邏輯的;v.使合法
參考例句:
  • Sickness is a legitimate reason for asking for leave.生病是請假的一個正當的理由。
  • That's a perfectly legitimate fear.懷有這種恐懼完全在情理之中。
40 gulf 1e0xp     
n.海灣;深淵,鴻溝;分歧,隔閡
參考例句:
  • The gulf between the two leaders cannot be bridged.兩位領導人之間的鴻溝難以跨越。
  • There is a gulf between the two cities.這兩座城市間有個海灣。
41 vindicate zLfzF     
v.為…辯護或辯解,辯明;證明…正確
參考例句:
  • He tried hard to vindicate his honor.他拼命維護自己的名譽。
  • How can you vindicate your behavior to the teacher?你怎樣才能向老師證明你的行為是對的呢?
42 awakened de71059d0b3cd8a1de21151c9166f9f0     
v.(使)醒( awaken的過去式和過去分詞 );(使)覺醒;弄醒;(使)意識到
參考例句:
  • She awakened to the sound of birds singing. 她醒來聽到鳥的叫聲。
  • The public has been awakened to the full horror of the situation. 公眾完全意識到了這一狀況的可怕程度。 來自《簡明英漢詞典》
43 demonstrations 0922be6a2a3be4bdbebd28c620ab8f2d     
證明( demonstration的名詞復數 ); 表明; 表達; 游行示威
參考例句:
  • Lectures will be interspersed with practical demonstrations. 講課中將不時插入實際示范。
  • The new military government has banned strikes and demonstrations. 新的軍人政府禁止罷工和示威活動。
44 persistent BSUzg     
adj.堅持不懈的,執意的;持續的
參考例句:
  • Albert had a persistent headache that lasted for three days.艾伯特連續頭痛了三天。
  • She felt embarrassed by his persistent attentions.他不時地向她大獻殷勤,使她很難為情。
45 infringe 0boz4     
v.違反,觸犯,侵害
參考例句:
  • The jury ruled that he had infringed no rules.陪審團裁決他沒有違反任何規定。
  • He occasionally infringe the law by parking near a junction.他因偶爾將車停放在交叉口附近而違反規定。
46 stifled 20d6c5b702a525920b7425fe94ea26a5     
(使)窒息, (使)窒悶( stifle的過去式和過去分詞 ); 鎮壓,遏制; 堵
參考例句:
  • The gas stifled them. 煤氣使他們窒息。
  • The rebellion was stifled. 叛亂被鎮壓了。
47 stifles 86e39af153460bbdb81d558a552a1a70     
(使)窒息, (使)窒悶( stifle的第三人稱單數 ); 鎮壓,遏制
參考例句:
  • This stifles the development of the financial sector. 這就遏制了金融部門的發展。
  • The fruits of such a system are a glittering consumer society which stifles creativity and individuality. 這種制度的結果就是一個壓制創造性和個性的閃光的消費者社會。
48 promptly LRMxm     
adv.及時地,敏捷地
參考例句:
  • He paid the money back promptly.他立即還了錢。
  • She promptly seized the opportunity his absence gave her.她立即抓住了因他不在場給她創造的機會。
49 standing 2hCzgo     
n.持續,地位;adj.永久的,不動的,直立的,不流動的
參考例句:
  • After the earthquake only a few houses were left standing.地震過后只有幾幢房屋還立著。
  • They're standing out against any change in the law.他們堅決反對對法律做任何修改。
50 stunted b003954ac4af7c46302b37ae1dfa0391     
adj.矮小的;發育遲緩的
參考例句:
  • the stunted lives of children deprived of education 未受教育的孩子所過的局限生活
  • But the landed oligarchy had stunted the country's democratic development for generations. 但是好幾代以來土地寡頭的統治阻礙了這個國家民主的發展。
51 grandeur hejz9     
n.偉大,崇高,宏偉,莊嚴,豪華
參考例句:
  • The grandeur of the Great Wall is unmatched.長城的壯觀是獨一無二的。
  • These ruins sufficiently attest the former grandeur of the place.這些遺跡充分證明此處昔日的宏偉。
52 dominion FmQy1     
n.統治,管轄,支配權;領土,版圖
參考例句:
  • Alexander held dominion over a vast area.亞歷山大曾統治過遼闊的地域。
  • In the affluent society,the authorities are hardly forced to justify their dominion.在富裕社會里,當局幾乎無需證明其統治之合理。
53 taxpayers 8fa061caeafce8edc9456e95d19c84b4     
納稅人,納稅的機構( taxpayer的名詞復數 )
參考例句:
  • Finance for education comes from taxpayers. 教育經費來自納稅人。
  • She was declaiming against the waste of the taxpayers' money. 她慷慨陳詞猛烈抨擊對納稅人金錢的浪費。
54 undertaking Mfkz7S     
n.保證,許諾,事業
參考例句:
  • He gave her an undertaking that he would pay the money back with in a year.他向她做了一年內還錢的保證。
  • He is too timid to venture upon an undertaking.他太膽小,不敢從事任何事業。
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